Summary Paper On Lynching

Lynching:
David Fagen

Summary Paper On Lynching
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Corporal David Fagens name is rarely mentioned today. But slightly less than 100 years ago, this Black soldier was the subject of sensational headlines in American newspapers. Serving with American forces during the Philippines insurrection of 1899-1901, Fagen defected from the U.S. Army, accepted a commission from Filipino insurgents, and embarked on a career as a guerilla who, as one author put it, for two years raised havoc with the American forces. From April thru August 1898, American entered into its first capitalisms foray into the world of imperialist conquest. It was, as American Secretary of State John Hay said at the time, a splendid little war. After only three months fighting, Spain was forced to abandon Cuba to complete U.S. dominance. The Spanish-American War was a very profitable venture for up-and-coming U.S. imperialism. Along with kicking Spain out of Cuba, the United States, as part of the armistice signed in August 1898, was given the Hawaiian Islands and Puerto Rico and Spain was forced to cede the Philippines for $40 million. In the Philippines, however, the U.S. not only acquired an archipelago rich in natural resources, it also inherited an insurrection. In February 1899, the Filipino people rose up against the American occupiers as they had against Spain earlier and demanded independence. What ensued was a brutal three-year (1899-1901) war of attrition against the Filipino people as 70,000 American troops were dispatched to the islands to quell the revolt. It was a war saturated with racism. The Manila correspondent of thePhiladelphia Ledgerreported in 1901, Our men have been relentless, have killed to exterminate men, women, children, prisoners and captives, active insurgents and suspected people from lads up to 10, the idea prevailing that the Filipino as such was letter better than a dog . . . White American troops referred to Filipinos as niggers, Black devils, and gugus. One white soldier wrote, while describing his experiences in one battle: Our fighting blood was up, and we all wanted to kill niggers. . . . This shooting human beings beats rabbit hunting all to pieces. Serving with the American troops in the Philippines were four Black regiments. These Black soldiers had months earlier served with distinction in the Cuban campaign. But despite their heroic exploits, the racism and abuse the faced from white officers and enlisted men continued unchecked. One Black private wrote that the white mans prejudice followed the Negro to the Philippines, then thousand miles from where it originated. Many Black troops were in a dilemma, being treated the same way that Filipinos were. They became sympathetic to theinsurrectos,a colored race not unlike them, who were fighting for their freedom. The Filipinoinsurrectosactively appealed to Black troops for solidarity. One soldier related a conversation with a young Filipino boy: Why does the American Negro come to fight us where we are a friend to him and have not done anything to him. He is all the same as me and me the same as you. Why dont you fight those people in America who burn Negroes, that make a beast of you? Another Black soldier, when asked by a white trooper why he had come to the Philippines, replied sarcastically: Why doan know, but I ruther reckon were sent over here to take up de white mans burden. A handful of Black troops, however, refused to carry that burden, David Fagen being the most famous. Fagen had served with the 24th Regiment in Cuba and was honorably mustered out at the end of that campaign. After working for nearly a year as a laborer in Tampa he was permitted by his commanding officer to reenlist with the same regiment less than a year later. Shortly after his arrival in the Philippines, Fagen and the 24th Regiment were engaged in major battles against theinsurrectosin central Luzon. But Fagen was also experiencing difficulties with his superiors. One sergeant has stated that Fagen was picked on by superiors and was made to do all sorts of dirty jobs. While it is not clear what ideological effect the brutal war against theinsurrectosmight have had on Fagen, one thing is certain; he made a decision to defect from the army and join the rebels. On Nov. 17, 1899, Fagen, assisted by aninsurrectoofficer who had a horse waiting for him near the company barracks, slipped into the jungle and headed for the rebels sanctuary at Mount Aryat. As one excellent study of Fagens guerilla career indicates (David Fagen: An Afro-American Rebel in the Philippines 1899-1901, by Michael C. Robinson and Frank N. Schuber,Pacific Historical Review, March 1975), The combination in which the many alienating forces acted on him is unknown, but the audacity and vigor with which he ledinsurrectosover the next two years illustrates the depth of his commitment to the Filipino cause. David Fagen seems wholeheartedly to have embraced the revolution, and, as George Rawick notes in his study of Afro-American slaves, men do not make revolution for light and transient reasons. Referred to as General Fagen by his men,The New York Timespaid the 23-year-old Black rebel the same compliment in a front-page headline after his exploits became known. He became a skilled guerilla officer who became legendary for his ability to harass and evade American forces sent against him. From August 1900 to January 1901, he battled eight times with American troops. One of the Americans most frustrated by Fagen was General Frederick Funston, known as one of the best guerilla hunters in the Philippines. Twice he clashed with Fagens forces and both times came up empty. Funston was so agitated with his lack of success that he began to make excuses for it in his memoirs. His sister-in-law rubbed salt in the wound by writing him a Christmas taunt in 1900:By Jimmy Christmas Fred Whats this I see? Poor old Fagen Hanged to a tree? How did it happen This is queer Tell us about it Were dying to hearAs Fagens exploits continued, especially his uncanny skill at eluding capture, his public image took on mythical proportions. One time, while soldiers were scouring throughout the Mt. Aryat area in search of Fagen, he was reported by theManila Timesto have been seen in that city at the same time. The reporter described him as wearing a blouse, similar to those of the native police . . . his trousers were dark in color and topped a pair of patent leather shoes. A brown soft felt hat completed his apparel. Two white civilians claimed this was Fagen, and that when they approached him, he rose from his chair, placing his foot upon it and grasping his concealed revolver in his right hand and a small sword or bolo in his left. A cordon was immediately thrown around the city, but to no avail. If it was Fagen, he had escaped again. Fagens boldness and audacity so enraged the American military that they tried to racially stereotype him, saying he had little intelligence, proved by the fact that his head was small. They also accused Fagen of atrocities, saying that he tortured and executed prisoners. However, one Black soldier who was one of Fagens captives repudiated those charges; and a white officer who was also captured by Fagens men stated that he was treated very kindly by Fagen. But by 1901, it was obvious that the insurrection would be defeated. As oneinsurrectoleader after another surrendered with the promise of amnesty, Fagen and his party were more and more isolated, and constantly hunted as bandits by the army. On several occasions,insurrectoleaders tried to negotiate amnesty for Fagen, but the U.S. Army insisted that if caught, he would be tried as a traitor and hanged. As General Funston told one Filipino rebel leader who pleaded for Fagens life, This man could not be received as a prisoner of war, and if he surrendered it would be with the understanding that he would be tried by a court-martial in which event his execution would be a practical certainty. In fact, of the 20 American soldiers who had defected to theinsurrectosduring the war only two were executed, both of them Black. For the next six months Fagen, who had a $1000 price on his head, led his dwindling band in a cat-and-mouse game to avoid capture by the U.S. Army. The end of Fagens career and the circumstances surrounding it are almost anti-climactic and only added to his legend. At the end of 1901, a native hunter named Anastacio Bartolome, walked into and American army outpost with the slightly decomposed head of a Negro in a sack, claiming it was Fagen. He said he had killed the fugitive guerilla when his hunting party came upon Fagens group near a river in the jungle. With this grisly evidence in hand, the army closed the case of David Fagen. Or did they? The official file of the incident is listed as the supposed killing of David Fagen. At the time, there was a widespread opinion among the native population that Fagen was alive, that he had fabricated his own murder, and now lived peacefully in the mountains with his Filipina wife. But the significance of David Fagen is not in the myth that surrounds almost all those who fight for the downtrodden and oppressed against overwhelming odds. It lies in appreciating how one individual decided who were his real brothers and sisters and who were his real enemies. He was an African American soldier who demonstrated agency. One Indianapolis newspaper editor grudgingly recognized this in his obituary for David Fagen: Fagen was a traitor, and died a traitors death, but he was a man, no doubt, prompted by motives to help a weaker side, and one to which he felt allied by ties that bind . . . He saw, it may be, the weak and the strong; he chose, and the world knows the rest.
HOUSTON RIOT OF 1917. In the spring of 1917, shortly after the United States declared war on Germany, the War Department, taking advantage of the temperate climate and newly opened Houston Ship Channel, ordered two military installations built in Harris County Camp Logan and Ellington Field. The Illinois National Guard was to train at Camp Logan, located on the northwest outskirts of the city. To guard the construction site, on July 27, 1917, the army ordered the Third Battalion of the black Twenty-fourth United States Infantry to travel by train with seven white officers from the regimental encampment at Columbus, New Mexico, to Houston.
From the outset, the black contingent faced racial discrimination when they received passes to go into the city. A majority of the men had been raised in the South and were familiar with segregation, but as army servicemen they expected equal treatment. Those individuals responsible for keeping order, especially the police, streetcar conductors, and public officials, viewed the presence of black soldiers as a threat to racial harmony. Many Houstonians thought that if the black soldiers were shown the same respect as white soldiers, black residents of the city might come to expect similar treatment. Black soldiers were willing to abide by the legal restrictions imposed by segregation, but they resented the manner in which the laws were enforced.
They disliked having to stand in the rear of streetcars when vacant seats were available in the “white” section and resented the racial slurs hurled at them by white laborers at Camp Logan. Some police officers regularly harassed African Americans, both soldiers and civilians. Most black Houstonians concealed their hostility and endured the abuse, but a number of black soldiers openly expressed their resentment. The police recognized the plight of the enlisted men, but did little to alert civil authorities to the growing tensions. When they sought ways to keep the enlisted men at the camp, the blacks disliked this exchange of their freedom for racial peace.
On August 23, 1917, a riot erupted in Houston. Near noon, two policemen arrested a black soldier for interfering with their arrest of a black woman in the Fourth Ward. Early in the afternoon, when Cpl. Charles Baltimore, one of the twelve black military policemen with the battalion, inquired about the soldier’s arrest, words were exchanged and the policeman hit Baltimore over the head. The MPs fled. The police fired at Baltimore three times, chased him into an unoccupied house, and took him to police headquarters. Though he was soon released, a rumor quickly reached Camp Logan that he had been shot and killed. A group of soldiers decided to march on the police station in the Fourth Ward and secure his release.
If the police could assault a model soldier like Baltimore, they reasoned, none of them was safe from abuse. Maj. Kneeland S. Snow, battalion commander, initially discounted the news of impending trouble. Around 8 p.m. Sgt. Vida Henry of I Company confirmed the rumors, and Kneeland ordered the first sergeants to collect all rifles and search the camp for loose ammunition. During this process, a soldier suddenly screamed that a white mob was approaching the camp. Black soldiers rushed into the supply tents, grabbed rifles, and began firing wildly in the direction of supposed mob.
The white officers found it impossible to restore order. Sergeant Henry led over 100 armed soldiers toward downtown Houston by way of Brunner Avenue and San Felipe Street and into the Fourth Ward. In their two-hour march on the city, the mutinous blacks killed fifteen whites, including four policemen, and seriously wounded twelve others, one of whom, a policeman, subsequently died. Four black soldiers also died. Two were accidentally shot by their own men, one in camp and the other on San Felipe Street. After they had killed Capt. Joseph Mattes of the Illinois National Guard, obviously mistaking him for a policeman, the blacks began quarreling over a course of action. After two hours, Henry advised the men to slip back into camp in the darkness and shot himself in the head.
Early next morning, August 24, civil authorities imposed a curfew in Houston. On the twenty-fifth, the army hustled the Third Battalion aboard a train to Columbus, New Mexico. There, seven black mutineers agreed to testify against the others in exchange for clemency. Between November 1, 1917, and March 26, 1918, the army held three separate courts-martial in the chapel at Fort Sam Houston in San Antonio. The military tribunals indicted 118 enlisted men of I Company for participating in the mutiny and riot, and found 110 guilty. It was wartime, and the sentences were harsh. Nineteen mutinous soldiers were hanged and sixty-three received life sentences in federal prison. One was judged incompetent to stand trial. Two white officers faced courts-martial, but they were released. No white civilians were brought to trial. The Houston Riot of 1917 was one of the saddest chapters in the history of American race relations. It vividly illustrated the problems that the nation struggled with on the home front during wartime.
World War I
As the people of the United States watched World War I ignite across Europe, African Americans saw an opportunity to win respect from whites. America was a segregated society and African Americans were considered, at best, second class citizens. Yet despite that, there were many African American men willing to serve in the nations military, but even as it became apparent that the United States would enter the war in Europe, blacks were still being turned away from military service. When the United States declared war against Germany in April of 1917, War Department planners quickly realized that the standing Army of 126,000 men would not be enough to ensure victory overseas. The standard volunteer system proved to be inadequate in raising an Army, so on May 18, 1917 Congress passed the Selective Service Act requiring all male citizens between the ages of 21 and 31 to register for the draft. Even before the act was passed, African American males from all over the country eagerly joined the war effort. They viewed the conflict as an opportunity to prove their loyalty, patriotism, and worthiness for equal treatment in the United States.
When World War I broke out, there were four all-black regiments: the 9th and 10th Cavalry and the 24th and 25th Infantry. The men in these units were considered heroes in their communities. Within one week of Wilsons declaration of war, the War Department had to stop accepting black volunteers because the quotas for African Americans were filled. When it came to the draft, however, there was a reversal in usual discriminatory policy. Draft boards were comprised entirely of white men. Although there were no specific segregation provisions outlined in the draft legislation, blacks were told to tear off one corner of their registration cards so they could easily be identified and inducted separately.
Now instead of turning blacks away, the draft boards were doing all they could to bring them into service, southern draft boards in particular. One Georgia county exemption board discharged forty-four percent of white registrants on physical grounds and exempted only three percent of black registrants based on the same requirements. It was fairly common for southern postal workers to deliberately withhold the registration cards of eligible black men and have them arrested for being draft dodgers. African American men who owned their own farms and had families were often drafted before single white employees of large planters. Although comprising just ten percent of the entire United States population, blacks supplied thirteen percent of inductees.
While still discriminatory, the Army was far more progressive in race relations than the other branches of the military. Blacks could not serve in the Marines, and could only serve limited and menial positions in the Navy and the Coast Guard. By the end of World War I, African Americans served in cavalry, infantry, signal, medical, engineer, and artillery units, as well as serving as chaplains, surveyors, truck drivers, chemists, and intelligence officers.
Although technically eligible for many positions in the Army, very few blacks got the opportunity to serve in combat units. Most were limited to labor battalions. The combat elements of the U.S. Army were kept completely segregated. The four established all-black Regular Army regiments were not used in overseas combat roles but instead were diffused throughout American held territory. There was such a backlash from the African American community, however, that the War Department finally created the 92d and 93d Divisions, both primarily black combat units, in 1917.
With the creation of African American units also came the demand for African-American officers. The War Department thought the soldiers would be more likely to follow men of their own color, thereby reducing the risk of any sort of uprising. Most leaders of the African American community agreed, and it was decided that the Army would create a segregated, but supposedly equal, officer training camp. In May 1917, Fort Des Moines opened its doors to black officer-trainees. Approximately 1,250 men attended the camp in Des Moines, Iowa.
Two hundred fifty of those men were already noncommissioned officers, and the rest were civilians. The average man attending the camp only had to have a high school education, and only twelve percent scored above average in the classification tests given by the Army. Run by then LTC Charles C. Ballou, the forts staff of twelve West Point graduates, and a few noncommissioned officers from the four original all-black regiments put the candidates through a rigorous training routine. They practiced drilling with and without arms, signaling, physical training, memorizing the organization of the regiment, reading maps, and training on the rifle and bayonet.
However, as Ballou noted after the war, the men doing the training did not take the job very seriously, and seemed to consider the school, and the candidates, a waste of time. Consequently, the War Department determined that the instruction at Fort Des Moines was poor and inadequate. Also adding to the poor training was the fact that no one knew exactly what to expect in France, so it was difficult to train as precisely as was needed.
On October 15, 1917, 639 African-American men received their commissions as either captain or first or second lieutenant, and were assigned to infantry, artillery, and engineer units with the 92d Division. This was to be the first and only class to graduate from Fort Des Moines; the War Department shut it down soon after their departure. Future black candidates attended either special training camps in Puerto Rico, from which 433 officers graduated, the Philippines, Hawaii, and Panama, or regular officer training facilities in the United States. The Army had no written policy on what to do if an officer training camp became integrated, so each camp was allowed to decide for itself the manner in which the integration was executed. Some were completely segregated and others allowed for blacks and whites to train together. Over 700 additional black officers graduated from these camps, bringing the total number to 1,353.
Although African Americans were earning higher positions in the Army, that did not necessarily mean they were getting equal treatment. Black draftees were treated with extreme hostility when they arrived for training. White men refused to salute black officers and black officers were often barred from the officers clubs and quarters. The War Department rarely interceded, and discrimination was usually overlooked or sometimes condoned. Because many Southern civilians protested having blacks from other states inhabit nearby training camps, the War Department stipulated that no more than one-fourth of the trainees in any Army camp in the U.S. could be African American.
Even when integrated into fairly progressive camps, black soldiers were often treated badly and sometimes went for long periods without proper clothing. There were also reports of blacks receiving old Civil War uniforms and being forced to sleep outside in pitched tents instead of warmer, sturdier barracks. Some were forced to eat outside in the winter months, while others went without a change of clothes for months at a time. Not all black soldiers suffered treatment like this, however, as those who were lucky enough to train at newly erected National Army cantonments lived in comfortable barracks and had sanitary latrines, hot food, and plenty of clothes.
The first black troops sent overseas belonged to service units. Because the work that these units did was absolutely invaluable to the war effort, commanders promised special privileges in return for high-yield results. With such motivation, the soldiers would often work for twenty-four hours straight unloading ships and transporting men and materiel to and from various bases, ports, and railroad depots. As the war continued and soldiers took to the battlefields, black labor units became responsible for digging trenches, removing unexploded shells from fields, clearing disabled equipment and barbed wire, and burying soldiers killed in action. Despite all the hard and essential work they provided, African American stevedores received the worst treatment of all black troops serving in World War I.
Although not nearly as respected as any of the white soldiers involved in the war effort, African American combat troops, in many respects, were much better off than the laborers. The two combat divisions the 92d and 93d Divisions had two completely different experiences while fighting the Great War. The 92d Division was created in October 1917 and put under the command of BG Charles C. Ballou, who had organized the first African American officer candidate school. Organized in a manner similar to the other American divisions, the 92d was made up of four infantry regiments, three field artillery regiments, a trench mortar battery, three machine gun battalions, a signal battalion, an engineer regiment, an engineer train, and various support units.
Although in no case did a black officer command a white officer, most of the officers, up to the rank of first lieutenant, in the unit were African American. Unlike just about every other American unit training to go into battle, soldiers from the 92d were forced to train separately while in the United States. The War Department, fearing racial uprisings, was willing to sacrifice the units ability to develop cohesion and pride. The lack of a strong bond between the men was one of the factors that led to the units poor performance in the Meuse-Argonne campaign.
The personal animosity between LTG Robert Bullard, commander of the American Second Army, and BG Ballou was another problem. Bullard was not only a staunch racist, but he also had a rivalry going with BG Ballou. In order to make both Ballou and the black soldiers appear completely incompetent, Bullard spread misinformation about the successes and failures of the 92d. Even Col. Allen J. Greer, Ballous chief of staff, was in on the plan to sabotage the reputation of his African American unit, and helped put a negative twist on stories from the front lines. Regardless of how well the 92d Division actually did on the battlefield, it was virtually impossible to overcome the slander from prejudiced officers.
Following some initial successes in Lorraine in mid-August, on September 20, 1918, the 92d was ordered to proceed to the Argonne Forest in preparation for the Meuse-Argonne offensive. The division reached the front lines just before the first assault. The 368th Infantry Regiment immediately received orders to fill a gap between the American 77th Division and the French 37th Division. However, due to their lack of training with the French, shortages of equipment, and unfamiliarity with the terrain, the regiment did not successfully complete this important assignment. The failure to accomplish this crucial mission blemished the 92ds combat record, and it was often used by military authorities for more than thirty years to prove the inadequacy of African American soldiers in combat.
After the disaster in the Argonne, the entire division was sent to a relatively quiet area of the front in the Marbache sector. Their primary mission was nevertheless a dangerous one: harass the enemy with frequent patrols. The danger of the assignment was reflected in the 462 casualties sustained in just the first month of patrolling. Although American commanders were dissatisfied with the units performance, the French obviously had a different opinion. They decorated members of the 365th Infantry and 350th Machine Gun Battalion for their aggressiveness and bravery.
By late 1918, the German Army was in full retreat, the Allied Commander in Chief, Field Marshal Ferdinand Foch, wanted to apply heavy pressure for a decisive breakthrough and defeat. The 92d was ordered to take the heights east of Champney, France, on November 10, 1918. Although only lasting one day, the attack was fierce and bloody, costing the division over 500 casualties.
As the 92d Division struggled to clear its reputation, the 93d Division had a much more successful experience. Commanded by BG Roy Hoffman, the 93d Division was also organized in December 1917. Unlike other American infantry divisions, the 93d was limited to four infantry regiments, three of which were comprised of National Guard units from New York, Illinois, Ohio, Maryland, Connecticut, Massachusetts, the District of Columbia, and Tennessee. Being made up of mostly draftees and National Guardsmen, the 93d lacked any sort of consistency in its experience or composition. The unit also lacked its full number of combat units and support elements, and as a result never attained full divisional strength. Seeming to have odds stacked against it, the 93d fared remarkably well when faced with battle.
The situation was desperate in France, and with exhausted and dwindling armies, the French begged the United States for men. Gen. John Pershing, commander of the American Expeditionary Force, promised them four American regiments. He decided to give them the regiments of the 93d Division since the French, who had used French colonial troops from Senegal, had experience in employing black soldiers in combat. The first African American combat troops to set foot on French soil belonged to the 93d Division. Armed, organized, and equipped as a French unit, the 93d quickly adjusted to their new assignment. Although experiencing some difficulties like language problems, the black soldiers were treated as equals.
The 369th Infantry was the first regiment of the 93d Division to reach France. They arrived in the port city of Brest in December 1917. On March 10, after three months of duty with the Services of Supply, the 369th received orders to join the French 16th Division in Givry en Argonne for additional training. After three weeks the regiment was sent to the front lines in a region just west of the Argonne Forest. For nearly a month they held their position against German assaults, and after only a brief break from the front, the 369th was placed once again in the middle of the German offensive, this time at Minacourt, France. From July 18 to August 6 1918, the 369th Infantry, now proudly nicknamed the Harlem Hellfighters, proved their tenacity once again by helping the French 161st Division drive the Germans from their trenches during the Aisne-Marne counter-offensive.
In this three-week period, the Germans were making many small night raids into Allied territory. During one of these raids, a member of the 369th Infantry, CPL Henry Johnson, fought off an entire German raiding party using only a pistol and a knife. Killing four of the Germans and wounding many more, his actions allowed an wounded comrade to escape capture and led to the seizure of a stockpile of German arms. Johnson and his comrade were wounded and both received the French Croix de Guerre for their gallantry. Johnson was also promoted to sergeant.
From September 26 to October 5, the 369th participated in the Meuse-Argonne offensive, and continued to fight well throughout the remainder of the war. The regiment fought in the front lines for a total of 191 days, five days longer than any other regiment in the AEF. France awarded the entire unit the Croix de Guerre, along with presenting 171 individual awards for exceptional gallantry in action.
Although the 369th won much of the glory for the 93d Division, the 370th, 371st, and 372d Regiments, each assigned to different French divisions, also proved themselves worthy of acclaim at the front. The 370th fought hard in both the Meuse-Argonne and Oise-Aisne campaigns. Seventy-one members of the regiment received the French Croix de Guerre, and another twenty-one soldiers received the Distinguished Service Cross (DSC). Company C, 371st Infantry, earned the Croix de Guerre with Palm. The 371st Regiment spent more than three months on the front lines in the Verdun area, and for its extraordinary service in the Champagne offensive, the entire regiment was awarded the Croix de Guerre with Palm. In addition, three of the 371sts officers were awarded the French Legion of Honor, 123 men won the Croix de Guerre, and twenty-six earned the DSC.
The 372d Infantry also performed admirably during the American assault in Champagne, and afterwards assisted in the capture of Monthois. It was there the regiment faced strong resistance and numerous counterattacks, resulting in many instances of hand-to-hand combat. In less than two weeks of front line service, the 372d suffered 600 casualties. The regiment earned a unit Croix de Guerre with Palm, and in addition, forty-three officers, fourteen noncommissioned officers, and 116 privates received either the Croix de Guerre or the DSC.
On November 11, 1918 at 1100, the armistice between the Allies and Central Powers went into effect. Like all other American soldiers, the African American troops reveled in celebration and took justifiable pride the great victory they helped achieve. It was not without great cost: the 92d Division suffered 1,647 battle casualties and the 93d Division suffered 3,534. Expecting to come home heroes, black soldiers received a rude awakening upon their return. Back home, many whites feared that African Americans would return demanding equality and would try to attain it by employing their military training. As the troops returned, there was an increase of racial tension. During the summer and fall of 1919, anti-black race riots erupted in twenty-six cities across America. The lynching of blacks also increased from fifty-eight in 1918 to seventy-seven in 1919. At least ten of those victims were war veterans, and some were lynched while in uniform.
The Enlistment of African Americans
As Americans watched World War I ignite across Europe, African Americans saw an opportunity to win respect from whites. America was a segregated society and African Americans were considered, at best, second class citizens. Yet despite that, there were many African American men willing to serve in the nations military, but even as it became apparent that the United States would enter the war in Europe, blacks were still being turned away from military service. When the United States declared war against Germany in April of 1917, War Department planners quickly realized that the standing Army of 126,000 men would not be enough to ensure victory overseas. Of the 750,000 men in the regular army and the National Guard at the beginning of the war, approximately 20,000 were black. There were 10,000 in the black units of the regular army, the Ninth and Tenth Cavalries and “” the Twenty-fourth and Twenty-fifth Infantries. Another 10,000 were in various units of the National Guard: the Eighth Illinois, the Fifteenth New York, three separate battalions of the District of Columbia and of Ohio, and the separate companies of Maryland, Connecticut, Massachusetts, and Tennessee. As early as March 25, 1917, two weeks before the United States formally declared war, blacks from the District of Columbia National Guard had been called out to protect the capital. Within one week of Wilsons declaration of war, the War Department had to stop accepting black volunteers because the quotas for African Americans were filled. Between July and September, other black units were called into active service.
The standard volunteer system proved to be inadequate in raising an Army, so on May 18, 1917 Congress passed the Selective Service Act requiring all male citizens between the ages of 21 and 31 to register for the draft. Even before the act was passed, African American males from all over the country eagerly joined the war effort. They viewed the conflict as an opportunity to prove their loyalty, patriotism, and worthiness for equal treatment in the United States.
When it came to the draft, however, there was a reversal in usual discriminatory policy. Draft boards were comprised entirely of white men. Although there were no specific segregation provisions outlined in the draft legislation, blacks were told to tear off one corner of their registration cards so they could easily be identified and inducted separately.
African Americans were among those who thronged the recruiting stations in April 1917 seeking to volunteer their services, but for the most part they were not accepted. The passage of the Selective Service Act on May 18, however, provided for the enlistment of all able-bodied Americans between the ages of twenty-one and thirty-one. On July 5, registration day, more than 700,000 blacks registered. Before the end of the Selective Service enlistments, 2,290,525 blacks had registered, 367,000 of whom were called into the service. Approximately 31 percent of all blacks who registered were’ accepted, while 26 percent of whites who registered were accepted. This was due not to the superior physical and mental qualifications’ of African Americans, but to the inclination of some draft boards to discriminate against blacks in the matter of exemptions. One board in Georgia, for example, was discharged because of its flagrant discrimination against blacks in exemptions. There were numerous complaints against other boards. There were no outstanding examples of draft-dodging blacks, and even those who were opposed to the war on the grounds that it was an imperialistic conflict answered the call of their draft boards.
African Americans were especially eager to participate in the struggle not only as enlisted men but as officers. They were greatly disheartened by the retirement of the highest-ranking black officer, Col. Charles Young, because of alleged high blood pressure. To prove his physical fitness, Colonel Young rode on horseback from Ohio to the nation’s capital, but the retirement board – remained adamant. In an effort to secure the commissioning of African-American officers, blacks met stern resistance in many high places in Washington. Congress was creating training camps for white officers but was making no provisions for the training of black officers. A committee of representative citizens, headed by Joel Spingarn, went to Washington and conferred with military authorities, but it was a fruitless venture. Almost immediately college students at Howard, Fisk, Atlanta, Tuskegee, and other black institutions began a program of agitation for the training of African American officers. When Spingarn took the matter up with Gen. Leonard Wood, the latter said that if 200 trained blacks of college grade could be secured, he would see to it that a training camp was established for them. Early in May 1917 a Central Committee of Negro College Men was set up “, at Howard University, and within ten days it had collected the names of 1,500 African-American college men who wanted to become officers in the United States Army. The committee interviewed numerous members of Congress and presented them with a statement justifying the establishment of an officers’ reserve training camp for blacks. More than 300 senators and representatives approved the proposal, and the movement to establish the camp began in earnest. Mass meetings were held, the African-American press vigorously supported the training of African Americans as officers, and students raised funds to carryon the fight.
Some blacks denounced the idea of a separate camp, contending that such an establishment would defeat the struggle for full citizenship. The NAACP, however, supported the proposal. When the government finally authorized the camp, Spingarn, a leader in the association as well as in the fight for the camp, said: “The army officials want the camp to fail. The last thing they want is to help colored men to become commissioned officers. The camp is intended to fight segregation, not to encourage it. Colored men in a camp by themselves would all get a fair chance for promotion. Opposition on the part of Negroes is helping the South, which does not want the Negroes to have any kind of military training.” On October 15, 1917, at Fort Des Moines, Iowa, 639 African Americans were commissioned-l06 captains, 329 first lieutenants, and 204 second lieutenants. Later, at nonsegregated camps and in the field, other blacks received commissions in the army. At colleges and high schools throughout the country, blacks prepared to become officer candidates and to serve the army in a variety of ways in the Students’ Army Training Corps and the Reserve Officers Training Corps.
American attitudes about black service were ambiguous. For example, the public and private remarks of General John Pershing, commander of the American Expeditionary Force (AEF) in Europe, expose the often hypocritical attitudes toward African Americans among many white Americans in the early 20th century. We must not eat with them, must not shake hands with them, seek to talk to them or to meet with them outside the requirements of military service. We must not commend too highly these troops, especially in front of white AmericansGeneral John J. Pershing, in a secret communiqu concerning African-American troops sent to the French military stationed with the American army, August 7, 1918.
He also wrote, I cannot commend too highly the spirit shown among the colored combat troops, who exhibit fine capacity for quick training and eagerness for the most dangerous work. General John J. Pershing, in Scotts Official History of the American Negro in the World War. Despite institutionalized prejudice, hundreds of thousands of African Americans fought in the U.S. military during World War I. Even as most African Americans did not reap the benefits of American democracy so central to the rhetoric of World War I, many still chose to support a nation that denied them full citizenship. What were their experiences in the service?
Because of the mounting race friction that attended the migration of African Americans to the North, the continued lynching of black men and women, and the German propaganda that was circulated in the United States, it was deemed wise to bring into the government an African American who could advise on matters affecting blacks and who enjoyed the confidence of his people. Consequently, Newton D. Baker, the secretary of war, announced on October 5, 1917, the appointment of Emmett J. Scott, who for eighteen years had been the secretary to Booker T. Washington, as a special Assistant to the secretary of war. Scott was to serve as “confidential advisor .matters affecting the interests of the ten million Negroes of the United States and the part they are to play in connection with the present war.” Baker was widely commended by whites and blacks for making the appointment. The Mobile News Item said, “The appointment is a wise move d a wise selection. While the government is coordinating all the interests (the country in the movement to win the war … it should not overlook Colored people.” Kelly Miller of Howard University said, “I regard the appointment of Mr. Scott … as the most significant appointment that has yet to come to the colored race.”
Scott’s functions were primarily to urge the equal and impartial application of Selective Service regulations and to formulate plans to promote healthy morale among black soldiers and civilians. He was called upon to express an opinion regarding almost every phase of African-American life and was required to answer thousands of inquiries from blacks on every conceivable subject. He investigated scores of cases in which unfair treatment was charged, and he looked into many cases relating to voluntary and compulsory allotments, war risk insurance, and government allowances and compensation. He also worked with the Committee on Public Information in releasing news concerning black soldiers as well as various activities 0f the home front.
While African Americans were barred altogether from the marines an, permitted to serve in the navy only in the most menial capacities, they serve in almost every branch of the army except the pilot section of the aviation corps. After a long struggle they were permitted to join units of coast and field artillery. They were in the cavalry, infantry, engineer corps, signal corps; medical corps, hospital and ambulance corps, veterinary corps, sanitary and ammunition trains, stevedore regiments, labor battalions, and depot brigades. Blacks also served as regimental adjutants, judge advocates, chaplains intelligence officers, chemists, clerks, surveyors, draftsmen, auto repairmen motor truck operators, and mechanics.
The problem of training African-American soldiers while in the United States was one that plagued the War Department from the beginning. Although the army was committed to the activation of an all-black division the Ninety-second, no arrangements were made to train the men at the same camp. Thus the men of the all-black division were trained at seven widely separated camps, all the way from Camp Grant in Rockford, Illinois, to Camp Upton in Yaphank, New York. It was the only instance in which a division was never actually brought together until it reached the fighting front; Another black division, the Ninety-third, was never brought up to its full strength, and after training in different places the units that were organized were sent overseas at different times to join various fighting units of the French army. White Southerners objected strenuously to the army’s sending Northern African Americans into the South for training.
The objections became so persistent that it was necessary for officials in Washington to call a conference in August 1917 to discuss the matter. It was agreed that “while” the South might object to having colored men from Northern states sent into the various camps and cantonments of the South, it could not well refuse an acceptance of the principles of having such colored selectmen as might be called in such states trained in the cantonments of the states in which they lived.” This arrangement worked such a hardship upon the administration of the army’s program that long before the war was over, blacks were being sent to the camp, North or South, that best served the interests of the prosecution of the war.
There was much discrimination in the army and in the civilian agencies that served the army, and it required a great deal of tact and prompt action to prevent more serious outbreaks than there were. The Federal Council of Churches created a Committee on the Welfare of Negro Troops of which Bishop W. P. Thirkield, Robert R. Moton, James H. Dillard, and John R. Hawkins were prominent members. The two field secretaries of the committee were Charles H. Williams of Hampton and G. Lake Imes of Tuskegee. They investigated conditions at home and abroad and found many outstanding examples of discrimination and segregation among the service agencies. At Camp Greene, near Charlotte, North Carolina, they found that there were five YMCA buildings, but none for the 10,000 African Americans stationed there. A sign over one of the buildings read “This building is for white men only,” and the secretary placed outside the building a table for black soldiers to use in writing letters. At Camp Lee, near Petersburg, Virginia, white soldiers patrolled the grounds around a white prayer meeting to see to it that no blacks attempted to enter.
Complaints flooded the War Department that blacks were continuously insulted by white officers. They referred to African Americans as “coons,” “niggers,” and “darkies” and frequently forced them to work under unhealthy and difficult conditions. Many black soldiers contended that white officers made it extremely hard for them to advance and that they indiscriminately assigned them to labor battalions even when they were qualified for other posts requiring higher skills and intelligence. The friction between ‘black soldiers and the military police grew in intensity as the war progressed, {and although the War Department issued orders calling for fair and impartial treatment of black soldiers, there was little discernible improvement.
The hostility that white civilians displayed toward black soldiers made it difficult for African Americans to remain enthusiastic about serving their country. In many places in the North they were denied service in restaurants and admission to theaters. When African Americans insisted on attending the theater at Fort Riley, Kansas, Gen. C. C. Ballou, commander of the Ninety-second Division, issued an order commanding his men not to go here their presence was resented. He reminded them that “white men had made the Division, and they can break it just as easily if it becomes a trouble Baker.” A howl of resentment was immediately raised in the black press, and African Americans were not consoled by the fact that Gen. Ballou was pressing legal charges against the theater operators that discriminated against his men.
Friction in the South caused the greatest concern. In August 1917, for ample, the men of the Twenty-fourth Infantry became involved in a riot the white civilians in Houston, Texas. After much goading and many insults the white citizens, the black soldiers were disarmed when it was feared at they would use their weapons in defending themselves. Refusing to be outdone, the soldiers seized arms and killed seventeen whites. With only a slight pretense of a trial, thirteen African-American soldiers were hanged for murder and mutiny, forty-one were imprisoned for life, and forty others held’ pending further investigation. Nothing since the Brownsville incident had done so much to wound the pride of African Americans or to shake their faith in their government. Houston native Emrnett J. Scott’s assertion that the incident “did not dampen the ardor of the colored men.
Service Overseas
The first African Americans to arrive in Europe after the United States entered the war, and indeed among the first Americans to reach the war zone, were laborers and stevedores sent to assist in the tremendous task of providing the Allies with materials of war. The first black stevedore battalion arrived in France in June 1917. From that date to the end of the war, they came in larger numbers. They were classified as stevedore regiments, engineer service battalions, labor battalions, butchery companies, and pioneer infantry battalions. Before the end of the war there were more than 50,000 in 115 different outfits, more than one-third of the entire American force. At Brest, St. Nazaire, Bordeaux, Le Havre, and Marseilles, black stevedores worked in mud and rain, sometimes in twenty-four-hour shifts, unloading supplies from the United States. At one port a crew of black stevedores amazed the French by unloading 1,200 tons of flour in nine and one-half hours, after it had been estimated that such an undertaking would require several days. In September 1918 at American base ports in France, 767,648 tons were handled largely by blacks, an average of more than 25,000 tons per day. An American war correspondent was moved to remark, “One who sees the Negro stevedores work notes with what rapidity and cheerfulness they work and what a very important cog they are in the war machinery.”
The African-American combat troops originally intended for the 93rd Division were among the first to be sent overseas; they were placed in various divisions of the French army. After many hardships at sea, including breakdown, fire, and collision, the 369th United States Infantry arrived in France early in 1918, and some of the men went immediately to a French divisional training school. There they learned to throw grenades, use bayonets, and handle French weapons. In April 1918, almost exactly one year after the formal entry of the United States into the war, they moved up to the fighting front. By May they were in the thick of the fight, in Champagne, holding for a time a complete sector constituting 20 percent of all the territory held by American troops. After some relief they were placed in the path of the expected German offensive at Minaucourt, where they bore the brunt of the German attacks in the middle of July. From that time until the end of hostilities the men of the 369th were almost continuously in action against the Germans. The feats they could boast of at the end of the war were many.
Theirs was the first unit of the Allied armies to reach the Rhine. The regiment never lost a man through capture, and it never gave up a trench or a foot of ground. It saw the first and longest service of any American regiment as part {a foreign army, having been in the trenches for 191 days. It won the unique distinction of being called the “Hell Fighters” by the Germans. The entire regiment won the Croix de Guerre for its action at Maison-en-Champagne, 171 individual officers and enlisted men were cited for the Croix de Guerre and the Legion of Honor for exceptional gallantry in action. The 8th Illinois Infantry, renamed the 370th United States Infantry, reached France in June 1918. It was equipped with French arms and sent to the front. After service in the St. Mihiel sector, it was withdrawn and sent to the Argonne Forest, where it remained for the better part of July and gust. In September, under the 59th Division of the French army, it took over a full regimental sector in the area of Mont des Tombes and Les Tue’ From that time until the end of the war, the 370th, in concert with several units of the French army, pursued the enemy out of France into Belgium Twenty-one men received the Distinguished Service Cross, one received the Distinguished Service Medal, while sixty-eight received various grade the Croix de Guerre. They were the first American troops to enter the French fortress of Laon when it was wrested from the Germans after four year war. The 370th fought the last battle of the war, capturing a German War train of fifty wagons and crews a half-hour after the Armistice went effect.
The 371st Infantry Regiment, which had been organized in August 19 at Camp Jackson, South Carolina, arrived in France late in April 1918. It.~ then reorganized on the French plan and attached to the 157th French’” Division, the famous “Red Hand,” under General Goybet. It remained in the front lines for more than three months, holding first the Avocourt and later the Verrieres sub sectors, northwest of Verdun. In the great September offensive it took several important places near Monthois and capture~ number of prisoners, many machine guns and other weapons, a munitions depot, several railroad cars, and many other supplies. For its action regimental colors were decorated by the French government. Three office; won the French Legion of Honor, while thirty-four officers and eighty enlisted men won the Croix de Guerre. Fourteen officers and twelve enlisted men won the Distinguished Service Cross.
One of the enlisted men in the 371st, Corporal Freddie Stowers of Sand; Spring, South Carolina, was recommended by his commanding officer, the Congressional Medal of Honor, the nation’s highest military award. Stowers had led his company in a victorious charge against a German-held hill, an assault that left over 50 percent of his company dead. Because his recommendation was “misplaced,” Stowers, the only black member America’s World War I military forces to be recommended for the Medal of Honor, would wait seventy-three years to receive it. In April 1991 President George Bush, following historian Leroy Ramsey’s criticism of the Unite1 States military for failure to award the Medal of Honor to any of the 1.5 million blacks who had served in World War I and World War II, presented the decoration posthumously to Stowers’ elderly sisters.
The 372nd United States Infantry was something of a catch-all outfit composed of African-American National Guardsmen from the District of Columbia, Ohio, Massachusetts, and Maryland, and about 250 men who ha entered the army through the Selective Service. After a period of training if the United States the regiment reached France in April 1918 and was, along with the 371st, brigaded with the French Red Hand Division. Late in May it took over the job of holding the Argonne west sector and was in the front-line trenches on May 31. During the summer it was subjected to heavy shelling in the Verdun sector, and in September it went in pursuit of the retreating enemy. For its gallantry in the final campaign, Vice Admiral Morea decorated the colors of the regiment with the Croix de Guerre and palm just before the men sailed for America. Many individual honors were also won, especially by the men of the First Battalion of the District of Columbia National Guard.
Because of the rather irregular procedure of training the units in separate camps, the Ninety-second Division was late in becoming welded into an efficient fighting unit. There were eight weeks of intensive training after its arrival in France in June 1918. By August 7, it was ready to move up to the front by stages and take over its first sector. Late in the month it took over the St. Die sector, relieving several regiments of the American and French forces. At the time, the enemy was on the offensive, and. almost immediately the only all-black division received its baptism of war in the form of shrapnel and gas. The division was eager to attack the enemy, and early in September the opportunity came. The encounter resulted in the capture of several Germans by the black troops and the capture of two blacks by the Germans.
When it became clear to the Germans that the division consisted almost entirely of African Americans, they launched a propaganda campaign to accomplish with words what they had not been able to accomplish with arms. They had sought to demoralize other African-American troops, but apparently the Germans reserved their most powerful propaganda offensive for the Ninety-second Division. On September 12 they scattered over the lines a circular that sought to persuade the blacks to lay down their arms. They told them that they should not be deluded into thinking that they were fighting for humanity and democracy. “What is Democracy? Personal freedom, all citizens enjoying the same rights socially and before the law. Do you enjoy the same rights as the white people do in America, the land of Freedom and Democracy, or are you rather not treated over there as second-class citizens? Can you go into a restaurant where white people dine? Can you get a seat in the theater where white people sit? … Is lynching and the most horrible crimes connected therewith a lawful proceeding in a democratic country?”
The circular asserted that Germans liked blacks and treated them as gentlemen in Germany. “Why, then, fight the Germans only for the benefit of the Wall Street robbers and to protect the millions they have loaned to the British, French, and Italians?” The African Americans were invited to come over to e German lines, where they would find friends who would help them in e cause of liberty and democracy. None deserted, and all seemed to have continued to fight against the enemy even more energetically.
In September and October the 92nd did its share of the fighting by holding o sectors during the heavy fighting of that period. There were numerous casualties from gas and enemy artillery fire. The official reports state that it came difficult in some regiments to send out small patrols, for every officer and enlisted man desired to participate. Company commanders solved disputes over priority among the volunteers for night patrols and raiding parties by promising places days in advance. The awards and citations that the men of the 92nd received were numerous. The entire first battalion, of the 369th Infantry was cited for bravery in its participation in the drive toward Metz and was awarded the Croix de Guerre, while the colors of their regiment were decorated by order of the French high command. In the division forty-three enlisted men and fourteen African American officers were cited for bravery in action and awarded the Distinguished Service Cross. Both the French and American governments cited numerous individual soldiers of the division for their heroism and awarded them appropriate decorations.
The feats of gallantry of African Americans in the service were similar’, to those performed by other American soldiers. Two examples will suffice. On November 10, 1918, a shell struck the house in which the switchboard was being operated at Point-a-Mousson. Sgt. Rufus B. Atwood rendered valuable assistance in reconstructing the switchboard and connecting new lines under heavy shell fire. The official order reported,
After repairs were made from the first explosion, there were two to follow’%: which completely wrecked the switchboard room and tore out all the lines which were newly fixed. Sergeant Atwood was left alone, and he established a new switchboard and the same connections they had at first. The coolness with which he went about his work and the initiative he took in handling the situation justifies his being mentioned in orders.
One of the most sensational feats in the war was that performed by two privates, Henry Johnson of Albany, New York, and Needham Roberts of Trenton, New Jersey, both members of the 369th Infantry. While the men were on guard at a small outpost in May 1918, a strong raiding party of Germans numbering almost twenty made a surprise attack, wounding the two blacks. When the Germans were within fighting distance, Johnson opened fire, and Roberts, lying on the ground, threw grenades. The Germans continued to advance, and as the two black men were about to be captured. Johnson drew his bolo knife from his belt and attacked the Germans in a hand-to-hand encounter. He succeeded in freeing Roberts from the Germans who were dragging him away and slashed several so mercilessly that they died of their wounds. The killing of at least four of the enemy and the wounding of perhaps twice as many more have caused this encounter to become known as “The Battle of Henry Johnson.” Both men received the Croix de Guerre for their gallantry.
The casualties of African-American soldiers seem to indicate the general disregard for personal safety that characterized the American army and which contributed substantially to the victory of November 11, 1918. In the 92nd Division, for example, 208 enlisted men were killed in action, while 40 others died of wounds received in battle. There were 551 who were wounded in action and 672 who were gassed. In some of the black regiments attached to the French army the proportion of casualties was even higher. In the 371st Regiment, 113 men were killed in action, 25 died of wounds, and 859 were wounded.
That the price African Americans paid for victory was highly regarded by the Allies is clearly seen in the praise accorded them by ranking military officials. General Goybet, the commanding officer of the 157th French Division said, “Never will the 157th Division forget the indomitable dash, the heroic rush of the American regiments (Negro) up the observatory ridge and into the plains of Monthois …. These crack regiments overcame every obstacle with a most complete contempt for danger. Through their steady devotion, the ‘Red Hand Division’ for nine whole days of severe struggle was constantly leading the way for the victorious advance of the Four the Army.” In January 1919 General Pershing, commander of the American Expeditionary Forces, said, “I want you officers and soldiers of the 92nd Division to know that the 92nd Division stands second to none in the record you have made since your arrival in France. I am proud of the part you have played in the great conflict which ended on the 11th of November.”
Some effort was made to maintain high morale among African Americans during their tour of duty in France. Most of the combat units had their own bands. One of the best known was the 369th Regiment Band under the direction of James R. Europe, assisted by Noble Sissle. Another was the 350th Field Artillery Band under J. T.Bynum. It was said that these musical organizations “filled France with jazz” and won for their members the admiration of their hosts. There were no African-American theatrical entertainers overseas. A unit, headed by the Reverend H. H. Proctor, speaker, J. E. Blanton, song leader, and Helen Hagan, pianist, traveled through France and staged programs for the soldiers. White entertainment groups almost always bypassed black soldiers.
Welfare work was carried out largely by the YMCA and the YWCA, although the Knights of Columbus and the Federal Council of Churches devoted some attention to the soldiers. Of the 7,850 “Y” workers who went overseas, 87 were black, 19 of whom were women. Only 3 of the women, however, were in France during the actual fighting. At the base ports, it was the task of the “Y” huts to provide classes for illiterates, maintain libraries, operate canteens, provide letter-writing facilities, and perform innumerable other services for the comfort of the men. Among the African Americans engaged in this work were Matthew Bullock, J. C. Croom, John Hope, W. J. Faulkner, Max Yergan, Addie Hunton, and Kathryn Johnson. Of the 60 African-American chaplains in the United States Army, approximately 20 ministered to the spiritual needs of black soldiers overseas. Although the African-American nurses in the United States offered their services in large numbers, the government did not see fit to accept and send them overseas until the fighting had ended. During periods of rest and recuperation, as 11 as after hostilities were over, some blacks attended several French universities, including those in Paris, Bordeaux, Toulouse, and Marseilles.
An important aspect of the welfare of African-American soldiers was the manner in which they were treated by the French. For the most part they moved about freely in France and associated pleasantly with French m and women, much to the chagrin of many white American soldiers. So whites took it upon themselves to warn the French against African Arne cans. American whites told the French that blacks could not be treated with common civility that they were rapists, and that Americans were compelled to lynch and burn blacks in order to keep them in their place. In August, 1918 a document was circulated among the French, Secret Information Concerning Black Troops. It was necessary, the document asserted, to maintain complete separation of blacks and whites, lest blacks assault and rape white women. It would be unfortunate if French officers associated socially wit black officers or had any contact with them outside the requirements military service. Neither the civilians nor the soldiers of France seemed t take seriously the counsel that was offered to them by white Americans, f they continued to welcome African Americans into their homes and sought to make their black defenders as comfortable as possible.
Toward the end of the war, reports came to the United States the African-American soldiers were attacking and criminally assaulting French women in large numbers. The fear was expressed openly that African Americans in France had developed habits and practices that would detrimental to interracial stability upon their return to the United States. The matter was of such concern that in December 1918 Robert R. Moton, Booker T. Washingtons successor at Tuskegee, was asked to go to France to investigate the rumors and to examine the conditions affecting African Americans soldiers. The secretary of war and the president placed every facility at Moton’s disposal and made it possible for him to travel freely among the black troops. The commanding general of the 92nd Division asserted that the crime of rape was very prevalent among his men and” there had been at least twenty-six cases within recent months. Upon examination of the records, which the general furnished, Moton found in the division of more than 1,200 men only seven cases involved the crime. Only 2 men had been found guilty, and one of the two convictions had turned down at general headquarters. In other places it became clear charges against African Americans were few and that convictions were f, still. Moton also found that, contrary to persistent rumors, the Ninety-second Division had not been a failure and that only a very small detachment single battalion of one regiment had failed. General Pershing assured that it was probable that any officers under similar adverse circumstances would have failed.
Moton made many speeches to groups of African-American soldiers. In his autobiography he reports that he told them:
You have been tremendously tested …. Your record has sent a thrill of joy and satisfaction to the hearts of millions of black and white Americans, rich and poor, high and low …. You will go back to America heroes, as you really are. You will go back as you have carried yourselves over here-in a straightforward, manly, and modest way. If I were you, I would find a job as soon as possible and get to work … I hope no one will do anything in peace to spoil the magnificent record you have made in war.
African-American soldiers who heard Moton reported that he told th not to expect in the United States the kind of freedom they had enjoyed France and that they must remain content with the same position they always occupied at home. African-American soldiers and civilians w outraged and spoke of Moton in the harshest manner. Regardless of wn he actually said, it became clear that he did little to allay the fears of blacks or to prepare them for their return to the United States.
Many African Americans both in the United States and in other part the world desired to bring the plight of darker peoples before the peace conference that met in Versailles at the end of the war. Some Americans opposed the treaty because they feared that the membership of dark, countries would make the permanent peace organization a “colored lea of nations.” Others feared that some agencies of the League of Nations might attempt to exercise influence in the domestic affairs of the United State. The only consideration that the darker peoples received was the disposition that was made of the African colonies of the defeated countries. The mandates system gave England, France, Belgium, and the Union of South Africa the administration of the former German colonies under the supervision of the League of Nations. By 1979 all mandated areas had been independent with the exception of Southwest Africa (Namibia), which had been under the supervision of South Africa. Its rich natural resources and excellent harbor were assets that South Africa did not wish to give up. But the latter was experiencing difficulty in~ withstanding the pressure from a number of sources, including the United Nations Security Council, the Southwest Africa People’s Organization, and opponents of South Africa’s system of apartheid.
Hoping to place the cause of darker peoples before the world in a dramatic way, W. E. B. Du Bois called a Pan-African Congress to meet in Paris simultaneously with the peace conference. Du Bois had been asked by the NAACP to go to France in December 1918 to investigate the treatment of African-American soldiers and to collect information concerning their participation in the war. Through Blaise Diagne, a Senegalese member of the Chamber of Deputies who was highly respected in French circles, Du Bois secured Clemenceau’s permission to hold the congress in the Grand Hotel in Paris in February 1919. There were fifty-seven delegates, including sixteen African Americans, twenty West Indians, and twelve Africans. Although the results of the meeting were limited, it called the attention of the world to the fact that darker people in various parts of the world had a material interest ,in the deliberations at Paris and that they were seeking for themselves the ”democratic treatment for which they had fought. It also served to stimulate interest in the several congresses that were held in subsequent years.
African Americans who remained at home during the struggle were no less {enthusiastic in their support of the war than those who faced the Germans on the Western front. It has been estimated, for example, that in the five loan campaigns blacks purchased more than $250 million worth of bonds and stamps. Mary B. Talbert, president of the National Association of Colored Women, reported that African-American women alone purchased more than $5 mi1lion worth of bonds in the Third Liberty Loan. When a black cook in, Memphis was approached by her employer regarding the purchase of a $100 bond, she replied that she didn’t want such a small bond. “I want a thousand dollar bond, and I’ll pay cash for it.” A black farmer in Georgia, with two sons in the army, bought a $1,000 bond, thereby putting fresh spirit into the local campaign. Black insurance companies purchased large quantities of bonds in each drive. The North Carolina Mutual Life Insurance Company, for example, purchased $300,000 worth of bonds in less than two years. ll1lilar support was given to the fund-raising campaigns of the “Y” organizations and the American Red Cross.
The United States found itself especially dependent on African Americans in the program to produce and conserve food because of the large number lack farmers and cooks. Some work was done among blacks through the educational department of the Food Administration, under the direction” A. U. Craig of Washington’s Dunbar High School. Herbert Hoover, director of the Food Administration, sought to enlarge the work among blacks, and to that end he appointed Ernest Atwell of Tuskegee as field worker for Alabama and later for the other Southern states. In September 1918 Atwell went to Washington where he served as director of the activities of Africa Americans from the headquarters of the Food Administration and circulate an open letter to the African Americans of the United States asking for the’ cooperation in general food conservation. Black directors were appointed in eighteen states, and organizations were perfected to carry forward till program of food conservation.
One of the most important social and economic phenomena on the home front was the migration of hundreds of thousands of African-American men and women out of the South during the war. The fundamental cause of the exodus was economic, though there were certainly some important social considerations. The severe labor depression in the South in 1914 and 1915, sent wages down to 75 cents per day and less. The damage of the boll weevil to cotton crops in 1915 and 1916 discouraged many who were dependent on cotton for their subsistence. Floods in the summer of 1915 left thousands of blacks destitute and homeless and ready to accept almost anything in preference to the uncertainty of life in the South. Meanwhile, the wheels of Northern industry were turning more rapidly than ever, and the demand for laborers was increasing. The sharp decline in foreign immigration from more than 1 million in 1914 to slightly more than 300,000 in the following year created a labor shortage that sent agents scurrying to the South to entice, blacks as well as whites to move North to work in industry. Injustice in the” Southern courts, the lack of privileges, disfranchisement, segregation, and lynching served as important stimuli for blacks to move out of the South. The North was regarded as the “land of promise,” and the African-American press did much to persuade Southern blacks to abandon the existence that held nothing better for them than second-class citizenship. The Chicago Defender exclaimed, “To die from the bite of frost is far more glorious than at the hands of a mob.” In 1917 the Christian Recorder wrote, “If a million Negroes move north and west in the next twelve-month, it will be one of the greatest things for the Negro since the Emancipation Proclamation,”
In 1916 the movement spread like wildfire among African Americans. By the summer of that year the migration had reached flood tide in the states of the deep South. The Pennsylvania Railroad brought 12,000 to work in its yards and on its tracks; all but 2,000 came from Florida and Georgia. Even black professionals moved north to continue to serve their clientele. The South was alarmed. Officials of Jacksonville, Florida, passed an ordinance requiring migration agents to pay a license fee of $1,000. White citizens of many Southern towns threatened blacks, while the white press urged them to remain in the South. Homes were without servants, farms were without laborers, churches were empty, and houses were deserted. It was estimated that by the end of 1918 more than 1 million African Americans had left the South. This estimate seems too generous, for the Bureau of the Census reported that the states of the North and West showed a net gain of 330,000 African Americans for the decade ending in 1920.
Although numerous unfortunate incidents resulted from the wholesale movement of African Americans into the North and West, the migration, coming when it did, gave them an opportunity for industrial employment that they had never enjoyed before, and it relieved the labor shortage during the crucial years of the war. The Department of Labor, taking cognizance of the importance of black labor early in the war, created a Division of Negro Economics under the direction of George Edmund Haynes. The division was to advise the secretary of labor and the heads of bureaus of plans and policies for improving conditions of black workers and for securing their full cooperation with white workers and employers for maximum production. Several state and local advisory committees were set up to carry out the work of cooperation and to reduce friction between white and black workers. State conferences were held in twelve states, with the cooperation of the governors, employment agencies, employers, and workers. When the year’s report of the Negro Worker’s Advisory Committee of North Carolina was ~ released, Governor Bickett said, “If every man, white and black, in the United States could read and digest this report, it would go a great way toward solving all our race questions.”
The National Urban League was also active in helping with the adjustment of African Americans who had recently moved to the industrial centers of the North. In 1916 it held a National Conference on Migration in New York and issued recommendations and advice to employers and migrants. It established branches in cities like Chicago, Detroit, Cleveland, St. Louis, Philadelphia, and Pittsburgh and assisted in the adjustment and distribution of black labor. The league also sought to solve some of the delicate problems arising out of black migration, such as housing, recreation facilities, and the population of blacks to organized labor.
African Americans were suspicious of organized labor because of its story of systematic exclusion of black workers. They therefore organized several labor groups of their own, such as the Associated Colored Employees of America. In 1917 the American Federation of Labor (AFL) expressed the few that the workers of all races should unite and present a common front industry. It was hoped that African Americans could be brought into the ~90r movement in order to prevent them from breaking strikes. In 1918 the Council of the American Federation of Labor invited several prominent lean Americans to discuss the matter. Among them were Robert R. Moton 1fTuskegee, Emmett J. Scott of the War Department, Eugene Kinckle Jones, of the National Urban League, and Fred Moore of the New York Age. Little of the deliberations except an expression of the willingness of both is to cooperate further. During the war few unions of organized labor accepted blacks into full membership.
African Americans found employment in most of the industries of the North during the war. They were engaged in the manufacture of ammunition and of iron and steel products. They were in the meat-packing industries, and worked in large numbers in automobile and truck production and in the manufacture of electrical products. There were 26,648 blacks in 46 of the 55 occupations incident to shipbuilding under the United States Shipping’ Board. A black, Charles Knight, at the Bethlehem Steel Corporation plant at Sparrow’s Point, Maryland, broke the world’s record for driving rivets in building steel ships. A black pile-driving crew building shipways at Hog Island, near Philadelphia, broke the world’s record for driving piles. More than 75,000 blacks worked in the coal mines of Alabama, Illinois, Pennsylvania, Ohio, and West Virginia. Approximately 150,000 blacks assisted in the operation of the railroads, while another 150,000 served to keep up other vital means of communication. In 152 typical industrial plants there were 21,547 black women performing 75 specific tasks.
High government officials very properly concerned) themselves with the problems of African-American morale during the war, for there were many indications that while there was a vigorous pursuit of democracy in Europe, there was widespread destruction of it at home. At least thirty-‘eight African Americans lost their lives at the hands of lynching parties in 1917, while in African Americans found employment in most of the industries of the North during the war. They were engaged in the manufacture of ammunition and of iron and steel products. They were in the meat-packing industries, and worked in large numbers in automobile and truck production and in the manufacture of electrical products. There were 26,648 blacks in 46 of the 55 occupations incident to shipbuilding under the United States Shipping Board. A black, Charles Knight, at the Bethlehem Steel Corporation plant at Sparrow’s Point, Maryland, broke the world’s record for driving rivets in building steel ships. A black pile-driving crew building shipways at Hog, Island, near Philadelphia, broke the world’s record for driving piles. More than 75,000 blacks worked in the coal mines of Alabama, Illinois, Pennsylvania, Ohio, and West Virginia. Approximately 150,000 blacks assisted in the operation of the railroads, while another 150,000 served to keep up other vital means of communication. In 152 typical industrial plants there were 21,547 black women performing 75 specific tasks.
High government officials very properly concerned) themselves with the problems of African-American morale during the war, for there were many indications that while there was a vigorous pursuit of democracy in Europe, there was widespread destruction of it at home. At least thirty-eight African Americans lost their lives at the hands of lynching parties in 1917, while in the following year the number rose to fifty-eight. Race clashes in the North and South did not diminish. In Tennessee more than 3,000 spectators responded to the invitation of a newspaper to come out and witness the burning of a “live Negro.” In East St. Louis, Illinois, at least forty blacks lost their lives in a riot that grew out of the employment of blacks in a factory holding government contracts. African Americans were stabbed, clubbed, and hanged, and one two-year-old African American was shot and thrown in the doorway of a burning building. The Germans made the most of these unfortunate incidents in their effort to spread antiwar sentiment among blacks. They kept a careful record of lynchings and the attacks of whites on blacks and urged African Americans to desert the struggle from which they were gaining nothing. While the propaganda had not noticeable effect on the morale of blacks, the president of the United States finally saw fit to issue a strong public statement against lynching and mob violence.
The African-American press, for the most part, supported the war enthusiastically. In June 1918 Emmett J. Scott held a conference of thirty-one leading black newspapermen, who, while pledging their support of the war, drew up a bill of particulars in which they denounced mob violence, called for the use of black Red Cross nurses, requested the return of Col. Charles Young to active service, and asked for the appointment of a black war correspondent. Most of their requests were granted, though somewhat belatedly. Ralph Tyler of Columbus, Ohio, was designated by the Committee on Public Information as a war correspondent and went to Europe to send back dispatches about the exploits of African-American soldiers. African-American newspapers carried his stories, which were generally glowing accounts of the gallantry and heroism of the black outfits. The Messenger, a newspaper published in New York by A. Philip Randolph and Chandler Owen, was one of the few black journals that refused to go along in an all-out support of the war. For the article “Pro-Germanism among Negroes” the editors were sentenced to jail for two and one-half years and their second-class mailing privileges were rescinded. The war effort received unexpected support, however, from the Crisis, whose editor, W. E. B. Du Bois, wrote an editorial in July 1918 entitled “Close Ranks.” In part he said, “Let us not hesitate. Let us, while this war lasts, forget our special grievances and close our ranks shoulder to shoulder with our white citizens and the allied nations that are fighting for democracy.”
The talk of democracy during the war had raised vague hopes even among the most militant African Americans. Both at home and abroad they had supported the war that was to make the world safe for democracy. Perhaps it was too much that there could be the full realization of democracy within the foreseeable future. It was not too much, most African Americans reasoned, to hope that the war’s end would usher in a new period of opportunity both in the area of economic life and in the sphere of civil rights. Doubtless they realized that the pursuit of democracy was a continuing process that had to be carried on long after the last gun was fired. They hardly realized, however, that many of the forces that operated to prevent the establishment of an enduring peace for the entire world, as well as the peculiar local forces that had flourished in the very warp and woof of American civilization, would serve to make democracy seem for them as elusive and as ephemeral as the lengthening shadows of evening.